L’impegno religioso, politico e pedagogico di don Milani di Massimo Sestili
Il Vangelo dunque, per affermare l’amore per gli umili e gli esclusi di sempre; la Costituzione, formidabile e potente strumento nelle mani degli emarginati e degli sfruttati per chiedere maggiore giustizia e pari opportunità nel solco della legalità, e l’antifascismo, come unica e sostanziale discriminante, come valore fondante per educare alla democrazia.
Amore e Giustizia sono le due parole chiave su cui don Milani faceva leva nell’insegnamento quotidiano ai suoi figlioli, come li amava chiamare, ma anche nella violenta polemica contro i cappellani militari toscani che gli costò a trial on charges of condoning a crime for defending the grounds of conscientious objectors, peace and nonviolence. Acquitted at first instance "because the offense is not" in the sentence to the appeals process, Don Milani died, it says that "the offense is extinguished by the death of the offender" is sentenced in practice.
Well, with the strength and clarity that always distinguished him, in his letter to military chaplains, said: "If however you have the right to divide the world into Italian and foreign, then I will tell you, in your way, I do not I country and claim the right to divide the world into poor and oppressed on the one hand, privileged and oppressors on the other. One son my homeland, my other foreigners. And if you have the right, without being attracted by the Curia, to teach that Italians and foreigners can legally rather heroically cut up each other, then I claim the right to say that even the poor can and must fight the rich. And at least in the choice of methods are better than you: that you approve the weapons are horrible cars to kill, maim, destroy, to orphans and widows. The only weapons that I approve of the noble and bloodless: the strike and the vote. "
Still, the feeling that he never meant a country without direction anarchist, which he saw as misleading and negative educational impact, but rather una tenace volontà di estendere i diritti fondamentali a tutti gli uomini: coerentemente con la sua idea di giustizia e di legalità. Si sentiva un cittadino del mondo. L’urgenza che avvertiva di includere e condividere nasceva in lui, figlio di una ebrea, dalla profonda ferita umana e politica lasciata aperta dalla Shoah e dalla tragedia della Seconda Guerra Mondiale.
È fuori di dubbio che l’attenzione posta ai principi della Costituzione e, conseguentemente, al tema dei diritti e della legalità, evidenzia una cultura illuminista e cosmopolita che, come in Manzoni, non si contraddice assorbendo la parte più avanzata del cattolicesimo. Le osservazioni critiche suggerite da Leonardo Sciascia a proposito di Manzoni (“è stato detto che ha convertito, convertendosi, l’illuminismo al cattolicesimo; ma io penso che in lui è forse accaduto il contrario: il cattolicesimo si è convertito all’illuminismo”) sono perfette anche per don Milani.
Egli guidava i suoi figlioli verso il riconoscimento del ruolo fondamentale svolto dai sindacati e dai partiti in una democrazia compiuta, insegnava loro il senso politico: l’utilizzo dello sciopero e del voto come strumenti di lotta non violenti e come concreto esercizio dei diritti sanciti dalla Costituzione. Come affermava nella Lettera ai giudici: “La scuola è diversa dall’aula del tribunale. Per voi magistrati vale solo ciò it is established law. The school instead sits between the past and the future, and must present them both. It is the delicate art of leading the guys on a razor's edge: on one side forming the sense of legality, the other the desire to read that the best political sense. "
A school, therefore, that not only does not discriminate, but is able to provide the most vulnerable with the tools to improve their condition. For Don Milani was quite evident that the teacher should take the responsibility to enter politics in the classroom: "I can only tell them [the boys] that they should take that honor the laws of men are to be observed when right (ie when the strength of the weak). But when they see that are not right (that is awarded when the bullying of the strong) they will fight because they have changed. "
of this explicit reference to individual responsibility and equally explicit invitation to enter the sections of political parties and unions that constantly turned to the boys, remains a memorable lesson that he did at a dance party held in the Borgo San Lorenzo school with the permission of the Dean. For a girl who the targets as "union and political meetings do not understand anything," Don Milani replied: "But probably next year you go to work and get in front of immense responsibility: Fire one of your fellow workers and you must decide whether or not to strike her, if you defend it or not, if you do not sacrifice or sacrifice for her, whether to go in procession in front of the prefecture or the front lines if overthrow the machines and break the windows or if you'll have to quietly bow your head and allow your partner to be thrown out kicks from the factory. You'll have to decide these things next year and get ready for now, twisted in a ballroom? ".
Anyway, it was precisely to form the political sense that the school Barbiana focused on language learning. In this way Don Milani aggrediva il problema sostanziale: l’oppressione, lo sfruttamento, l’emarginazione vissute dai contadini e dagli operai è possibile anche perché il potere impone loro di parlare una lingua che non gli appartiene e che non comprendono. A Barbiana dall’alba al tramonto, per 365 giorni e 366 negli anni bisestili, tutto ruotava intorno al problema della lingua e dell’uso della grammatica come strumento di coercizione e di selezione. Scrivevano gli alunni di Barbiana in Lettera a una professoressa: “Del resto bisognerebbe intendersi su cosa sia lingua corretta. Le lingue le creano i poveri e poi seguitano a rinnovarle all’infinito. I ricchi le cristallizzano per poter sfottere chi non parla come loro. O per bocciarlo”.
Come Renzo di fronte al latinorum di don Abbondio e alle gride di Azzeccagarbugli, i montanari del Mugello erano timidi e perdenti perché venivano espropriati della loro lingua e della loro cultura. L’insegnamento della lingua era dunque lo snodo fondamentale per la formazione di una coscienza critica che lievitava attraverso le seguenti uniche letture obbligatorie: il Vangelo, il Critone, il Fedone, l’Apologia di Socrate, l’Autobiografia di Gandhi, la Lettera del pilota d’Hiroshima, Il flagello della svastica, Le lettere dei condannati a morte durante la Resistenza e i Quaderni dal carcere di Gramsci. Su questi testi formavano la loro coscienza critica quei ragazzi montanari bocciati da una scuola pubblica classista, secondo la quale il figlio del contadino doveva andare nei campi e il figlio dell’operaio in fabbrica, per continuare ad arricchire il loro padrone e far studiare il signorino.
Nel suo implacabile schierarsi dalla parte degli oppressi, don Milani non si rifugiava mai nella Provvidenza panacea di tutti i mali, né tanto meno rinviava il problema della Giustizia al giudizio divino: egli era completamente immerso nella storia, e la sua lotta e il suo insegnamento acquisivano potenza e profondità proprio in quanto fortemente ancorati al passato ma, nel contempo, chiedevano una risposta qui e ora, aprendosi di fatto alla speranza di un futuro migliore. Di questo senso profondo della storia rimane una pagina indelebile: the letter written to Meucci in 1956, known as University and sheep.
"A farmer is partly because a farm better. He worked for ten, twenty, sometimes two hundred, three hundred years and has lived on the land he and his skinny because all those years he did live, not just live but to study, the grandfather of the owner and then the master and then the gentleman. They have attended all the schools and the home are filled with books and the mind of enormous practical and dialectical power without ever need to earn your bread because the bread earned the Adolph and her children. Adolfo has not done even the first because the gentleman has a passion for sheep and does not let you sell. The gentleman says that the sheep make it very much to him that the peasant (which is true) and so does not let you sell. And so Adolf spent his childhood hill sheep and is now working great and hill sheep farm, and instead sends Adriano. And Adrian has 10 years are illiterate, but like his father only because he can not go to school and it has to look after the sheep have to do their wool and lamb and cheese. And then they sell the wool and lamb and cheese and half Adolfo just need to get by while half of the young gentleman put together with other half from other farms well enough to go to school until 35 years and assistant to the university that is not paid and volunteer experience in laboratories and libraries across where the man really looks like the one that created that is only one mind and knowledge. Three hundred years are clear that the family keeps Adolfo secularly illiterate family studies university of secularly sir. "
Many Adolfo and Adriano, despite compulsory education and the economic, social and cultural objectively different from that in which it operates Don Milani, still waiting for an answer to their problems. The fact that today, and Adolfo Adriano, come mostly from distant foreign countries, the Prior of Barbiana would not have changed the substance of the problem and we would have heard reciting aloud the article 3 of the Constitution: "All citizens have equal social dignity and are equal before the law, without distinction of sex, race, language, religion, political opinion, personal and social conditions. It is the responsibility of the Republic to remove obstacles to economic and social order, which constrain the freedom and equality of citizens, prevent the full development of the human person and the effective participation of all workers in the political, economic and social Country. "
Massimo Sestili
(This is the first public writing of Don Lorenzo Milani, published November 15, 1949 the newspaper" Now, "directed by Don Primo Mazzolari).Franco forgive everyone: Communists, industrialists, priests.
My Franco was again unemployed. He asked me to accompany him up and down the stairs of the industry to look for another job.
(The recommendations are a matter of right or wrong? What do I know? But I had to say no to my Franco unemployed?). A goalkeeper
brother helped me the ass brother Industrial unattainable in his office.
(how easily the priests were opened today the office doors. How beautiful is this? That I know? But I had to say no when my Franco is unemployed?).
The fratello Industriale è stato gentile con me. Ha detto alla sorella dattilografa di far la schedina al mio figliolo Franco.
Io devo essere grato al fratello Industriale. Ma poi è successa una cosa triste: mentre m’alzavo per andar via avevo aggiunto: “le farò fare una lettera anche dall’officina dove Franco ha lavorato fin ora per dirle quel che sa fare”.
Il fratello Industriale mi ha steso la mano con un sorriso d’intesa: “Non importa, reverendo, se me lo raccomanda lei non sarà certo un comunista”. Perché non ho ritirato la mano Signore? Come ho fatto a non capire subito che quella mano e quell’occhiata e quella parola erano uno sputo al mio sacerdozio che è il Tuo Sacerdozio, Lord?
Brother Industrial, when I got the answer I was already back in your elevator that took me back to the ground floor. I have not had the courage to go back to Leticia.
I was afraid for the work of my Franco. But now it seems to me to have you cheated, you must respond.
Yes, my Franco is a communist. "It is a communist should not eat?" Asked Frank in your shiny elevator, with a flash of rebellion in his eyes.
And he's right.
What did you think you?
When, four months ago, by Order of the Church my Mother, I told him: "You're wrong, Franco, to be a Communist" (and you my word that his brother Industrial sore father of the vaunted cheering you on your papers) you thought you?
What I tell it to him for you? To save your capital and your world should fall at that wrong?
I am not from yours.
I can pray for you because God forgive you for being rich. But I can not defend your world for which my Lord did not want to pray.
You, Frank, you know, right? I'm not for them.
Be brave. The communists have deceived you
industrialists will have trampled us priests have not been able to do.
Franco ashamed of bread I eat. It is an unjust world, I know.
When you grow up you and I together muteremo the most good.
For now, excuse me, I have to say more than an old word. I can not say to others, if not look back to opium. The only tell you in one ear, so you can understand it: Forgive us all, communists, industrialists and priests. Dimenticaci, disprezzaci, do whatever you want, but your Lord will not leave, Franco.
Have the courage to take up his cross, take it with confidence.
We loved you that He who took thee.
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